Amish Community

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The research on health literacy rates among Amish populations is erratic and few qualitative studies have been completed measuring the literacy rates of Amish communities. Katz, Ferketich, Paskett, and Bloomfield (2013) did attempt to measure the health literacy of an Amish community in Ohio by utilizing the “rapid estimate of adult literacy in medicine (REALM) instrument” (p. 753). Results from the REALM were that Amish men and women had limited health literacy in comparison to their non-Amish neighbors, but it is unsure how reliable the REALM is and how well those interviewed represent the Amish community at large. Although there is little quantitative data on health literacy rates, the ways in which Amish culture deviates from American culture…show more content…
(2007) reports that within a sample of 2,002 Amish women in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, .7 % had a high school diploma, contrasted with 88.3% in the general population (p. 165). For both men and women, Amish education ends in 8th grade and a United States Supreme Court case, Wisconsin v. Yoder, deemed this amount of education to be adequate (Banks and Benchot, 2001). School and work are the only contexts in which the Amish regularly speak English, as some variation of German is spoken in the home and in most community settings (Diebel, 2014). Singleton and Krause (2010) report that health literacy involves listening and speaking skills, numeracy skills, and decision-making skills. Since the Amish subscribe to an alternative, more limited education path and speak a language other than English in the home, Amish individuals have distinct disadvantages in their ability to communicate with health service…show more content…
In an Ohio community, Amish women were successfully empowered to seek out prenatal care via culturally competent physician efforts and via a strategically staffed prenatal care clinic. Prior to intervention planning, interviews with local physicians at a clinic that served the women revealed that Amish women “tend to seek prenatal care late . . . or not at all, to minimize cost and inconvenience” (Campanella, 1993). Proposed with an obvious need within their community, health service professionals had a choice to make when planning implementation. They could accept that Amish women are willingly choosing to not seek out prenatal health services or they could create an implementation plan that works around the Amish concerns of cost and inconvenience. A misconception among Amish women was that if they sought prenatal care early in the pregnancy, they would be forced to come in every four weeks for an appointment (Campanella, 1993, p. 334), a daunting feat for a woman who must justify the appointment cost as well as find a non-Amish to drive her to her appointment (Banks and Benchot,
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